Wednesday, April 22, 2015

Philosophy in "World" War 3 Propaganda

World War 3, as the other “world” wars, will be evident to a certain side when the enemy side's entire civil populace is seen to be invested in a certain conflict: especially when some conflict becomes a highly dominant social and political agenda among the enemy nation's lower class population. World Wars do not just play out in between politicians and through diplomatic decisions taken by the few, but rather they involves the masses and the masses' own ways of perceiving the conflict: it could be trench warfare, but it could also be a war in many fronts and settings, for the exact nature of the war will be dependent on the masses. A “world” war is dependent on a mass movement and a popular support for the war effort, because “world” does not imply the different nations' standing armies, but suggests the entirety of the world's armed forces and civilian populations.

An important factor creating a mass-mobilized war is the effectiveness of the enemy's propaganda. The enemy's propaganda turns lower classes into philosophical subjects and objects through a kind of rapid education, and because it makes them philosophical and educated the lower classes have immense appreciation for this propaganda. The object of propaganda is never just instruction, but also education, for the goals of propaganda are more longer term than the immediate enlistment and fighting in the war. Propaganda turns men and women towards investment in fighting for abstract and lofty ideas such as “human,” “nation” or “belief” so that they are not just ready to fight in armed war today but in the “war of ideas” of the future. As the enemy's philosophy is considered most threatening, the enemy's philosophical lower classes are attacked extensively, hence a World War concerns itself with mass-scale destruction.

Ultimately, the masses, once “made philosophical” extensively, will themselves shape the nature and style of war that they wish to engage in. They are not dictated by the elites to take up arms, rather, they make these and other decisions, for they have finally received a serious education directed towards them, albeit that this education is dismissed as biased propaganda by elites. And that lower class' initiative in shaping the nature of war is precisely the true intention of the elites: to not get their own hands and minds dirty in the war but rather see it play out, as if automatically, among the lower classes. In World War 3, the masses will learn to read through propaganda posters, they will learn to understand the concepts related to a war context, their education will be heavily influenced by the war. It is very possible that a kind of more non-violent “cold war” will take place, or that all “world” wars will in the future be “cold” because the philosophical masses choose not to “weaponize” themselves, but rather to express hostility in mass protests which are then publicized to the enemy. After propaganda has made them philosophical, they themselves will then develop propaganda to support one another, and the quality and effectiveness of propaganda will itself determine who is winning and who isn't. Propaganda posters, books, films, plays and other such products will be the medium of education, especially for those young ones born into warring times and regions, and so education will be dominated by “heavy” ideas even at the primary level. Another form of non-violent mass mobilization is the war on a “knowledge-based front,” such as the “space race” between USA and USSR, where the masses participate in a war where amounts of knowledge gained rather than territory gained become of importance, given that propaganda has turned the masses into philosophers rather than soldiers.

Wednesday, April 1, 2015

“Construct Live” and Genocide in the Pacifist's War

The Foucauldian notion of “construct live” has in warfare been ingrained and internalized to a great extent, and that is a point of great pride for pacifists. We may never see the loss of armies in a scale comparable to the World Wars again, because even in war, the armies involved are not out to kill but rather to enable continual survival; a protective mentality reaches out to “the enemy's” ground troops too. The issue in war today is the removal of arms from the enemies' hands and the dispersal of the enemies from strategic points in a territory, while ensuring that the least amount of lives are lost.

A problem emerges due to this notion of “construct live” (or “let 'the enemy' live”): that the enemy which is in command of a region of interest, when dispersed and displaced by a stronger force, comes to another region within the territory where it is once again in command. When the weaker side is removed from one place it is simply moved somewhere else and becomes the new controller of that other region, without any direct exercise of its will or force. For the side with a weaker army, this invasion-without-force becomes ideal: it simply needs to evade the sporadic gunfire in one region and will find itself ruler of the next. And for the pacifists, the war-without-force is ideal, because it entails lesser casualties in the armies. The enemy becomes a permanent/immortal fixture in warfare, as long as the notion of “construct live” remains and there is land to move to, and this “immortal-and-mobile enemy” has shown that it can be more violent than peaceful.

We may therefore seriously acknowledge that indeed the pacifists are in control of war with this tenet of “construct live,” but that their faith in “construct live” is submitting more and more territories to brief but traumatic militaristic rule as the weaker side moves from place to place. "Construct live" and "mobility-and-immortality" lead to the rationalization and perpetration of genocide by the displaced, weaker side, because of these reasons: the lack of connection/loyalty with the land one is currently in charge of as the sole armed force, the frustration at displacement by a stronger side, the amount of idle time in this new type of warfare, the experience of privilege and comfort at not being killed, and most importantly, the constant maintenance of a certain high level of military strength. After the genocidal act, the tenet of “construct live” is abandoned and a new, more lethal phase in war begins.