Thursday, January 28, 2016

Ratnapark's Newer Role In Politics And The Spontaneous Political Crowd

We know that for a meaningful political change to begin in Nepal going forward, the public space of Ratnapark has to be involved. All the historic speeches and political activities in that public ground have cemented it as an important space for political gathering, although it seems to have been replaced today by other more intimidating, more modern looking and walled in structures like the “Convention Center” in New Baneshwor as the place for political activity. What gives Ratnapark a truly revolutionary strength is the difficulty in managing the space if in case the crowd becomes spontaneously politicized, if the crowd spontaneously feels the urge to suddenly act out on their discontent with the established political powers. The Ratnapark space is surrounded by little to no walls, allowing people who are walking on the street beside it to participate with a core group of agitators in the park, and even more important is the fact that the political stage/platform that exists in front of Ratnapark is dilapidated and dirty, and so no ego-driven ambitious man or woman will want to exploit the stage/platform for his/her personal ambition to be a political leader. The spontaneous crowd will have no spontaneous leader because of the condition of Ratnapark's stage, and hence the established political leaders will not feel the need to crush the spontaneous crowd for it will not have a leader which will threaten the power of established leaders and parties. Without a leader of its own to save from toppling, the spontaneous crowd will remain non-violent and endure.

In the spontaneous crowd, a group of agitators attract others towards their protests and seek to include everyone in the protesting act. This spontaneous crowd is not governed by political ideas and well-constructed agendas, but rather something stirs in the crowd which makes it understand, without a word spoken, that common discontent unites them, and people realize among themselves that the time is right for urgent political activity, regardless of a structure/organization or a person leading the group from a stage. There is no one shouting a slogan for others to repeat it, there are small conversations taking place within small groups, but these small groups are now defined by their discontent at politics; everybody is simply standing there or walking aimlessly within Ratnapark, everybody knows what the discontent is, there is no need to inform the world or to make the protest louder in volume. Ratnapark, as it seems to be frequented by the unemployed, already has the potential to unite the people there around their discontent and frustration, but historically such a united crowd has not formed there.

To further the development of the spontaneous crowd, what is important is to get the sentimentality regarding politics removed from Ratnapark. It is necessary to change those who sit in there who like remembering the park's history and certain specific political events and speeches from the past which have been memorable to them, because it triggers their nostalgia or reminds them of a long-lost love interest. Problematically, the park is remembered as a theater, and a willingness to revive its theatrical aspects dominates in the present. Ratnapark becomes a relic to be preserved for its past value, as if it could serve no purpose politically in the present. Peanuts and pop-corn, staple foods of a cinema hall, which are consumed also in Ratnapark suggest that this sentimental reminiscing of the drama in Ratnapark is still quite strong; one watches the empty stage, eats peanuts/pop-corn, and reminisces of the favorite moments from a leader's speech from one's imagination. The spontaneous crowd must go beyond this sentimental attachment to the park's history and drama, and instead be in tune with the political events playing out in the present. The presence of phones and radio in the park must be heightened so that political events elsewhere that are just unfolding may be heard/seen, so that if there is something critical, the crowd may be formed and active in response. Free internet in Ratnapark may be key. The spontaneous crowd will be very important in elevating Ratnapark as a center for political activity once again.

Tuesday, January 12, 2016

The Capitalist's Priceless Things And The Revolution-From-Within

A successful capitalist goes to Pashupatinath Temple to pray...We have heard of this, and contrary to our assumptions, he is not praying for more wealth, to make billions and trillions of dollars, to be the wealthiest man, rather, ultimately he is praying for the ability to pay for the education of his children, the health-care costs of his wife, and other such things which are important to him but do not require excessive wealth, that do not require excessive ambition/greed. Even the wealthiest capitalist prays for these things ultimately; it is not about praying for excessive money at all.

The visit to the temple shows what is considered truly important in capitalism, such as the family one has and other seemingly small and simple pleasures, comforts and attachments. The excessive wealth of billions and trillions of dollars which is attached to certain privileged names in today's capitalism can be lost or given up, this is disposable wealth for the capitalist. But what cannot be lost or given up, what the capitalist does not tolerate, is the loss of what is considered in the world today to be the capitalist's sacred things, or his priceless things.

Family, friends, personal houses and personal cars, these items are examples of the sacred things in capitalism. These things are submitted to rituals and other religious activities to produce them as sacred; one can think of the worship of a car in certain days of Nepal's Dashain and Tihar festivals, on top of the worshiping of family. The capitalist must afford to undertake these rituals that “certify” the sacredness of his things, he must afford Dashain and Tihar, and for this he must generate a basic amount of wealth. This generation of basic wealth to insert the sacred things into rituals is tolerated even by anti-capitalists, and as such not all levels of wealth are problematized by anti-capitalist protests and ideas. A basic level of greed, a basic endeavor to protect and enable the sacred, a necessary amount of wealth, these are important aspects of capitalism which even anti-capitalists think must be transferred into other systems alternative to capitalism.

What were previously revolutionary impulses to end capitalism have now become replaced by impulses to take society back to the “good capitalism” or the “basic capitalism” with a substantial sacredness at its center. Yet in truth revolution is impossible without problematizing sacred things and problematizing all levels of wealth in capitalism. Ambition and greed are not core tenets of capitalism and their problematization does not ensure that capitalism as a whole will fall. Further, the problem is that the billions and trillions of dollars are ultimately themselves not exactly disposable, but are necessary because they allow the formation of basic wealth. Excessive wealth is the necessary “side-effect” that will always allow the generation of basic wealth

What could bring about in capitalism a revolution-from-within is the marginalization of the rituals and activities certifying things as sacred. When sacred things, such as one's child's education, are inserted/submitted in the wider but less important economy sustaining disposable wealth, then the capitalist is frustrated and will find it irrelevant that sacred things may be submitted to valuation and be disposed just like the money he considers disposable. In the logic of sacred things, even if a sacred thing is valued at trillions after an initial valuation of billions, this does not make the thing more sacred, because the sacred thing is something which resists monetary valuation, it is priceless, it is what “money can't buy” in capitalism. It is clear that a capitalist's revolution-from-within is not a revolution against capitalism to the fullest extent, rather it sustains the core of the capitalist system while shedding what look like the excessive developments and progress it has made as a result of ambition, greed etc. But the revolutionaries-from-within capitalism will find that disposable wealth is not in fact disposable because disposing of this wealth will ultimately hurt the sacred things themselves.