In the Greek financial
crisis, the 'powerful' figures of Greece and EU members have been
meeting one another very frequently, and this indicates that power
relations between the figures are being formed and challenged constantly. The Greek case is
peculiar: we are quite accustomed to nations failing, but when they
fail usually it is in cases such as civil wars, so that the
government is lost before the nation fails in the usual case. It
is in the Greek crisis where Greek and European governmental
structures are alive, active and aware of the failures-in-progress,
where governmental and financial structures are very present to
the Greek failure, they are very sturdy, yet they are not acting in
ways that can save the people from the crisis; it is a crisis given
that there is plenty of power in each figure/structure rather than a failure
caused by a lack of power everywhere, so it is a failure within and
because of the power-play rather than after the exhaustion of power
of all figures and parties involved.
In
this crisis, even governing structures and not just banks deserve the
label “too big to fail,” in
that, so far it is governing structures being “saved”
by financial institutions rather than governmental structures doing
the saving. However, financial
institutions seldom have the patience of saving government
indefinitely, and so it is only in the eyes of a benevolent
government that
institutions and structures become “too big to fail” and are
saved. It is not in
the interest of financial institutions to constantly act as
“saviors.” Only a big and benevolent governmental structure can
save Greece for a period of decades and generations now.
We also see in the
meetings of the prominent figures of Greece, EU, ECB etc the
surprising intimacy of governmental figures and financial figures. It
is a case of financial figures looking into the politics of the crisis, and
politicians looking into the financial aspects of it, as if each
figure knows his/her own area of interest/expertise will not bring
about the solution, and so these interminglings show desire among the
figures involved to evoke a proper “EU philosophy” which would
move beyond finance and governance, which would wipe the slate clean
of political and financial attempts, so that the figures could meet
and act in the name of that “EU philosophy” and undertake a more
romantic/idealistic cause to save Greece. The optimistic signs are
there that romanticism is already in play, because the figures in the
crisis have become elevated personalities in the eyes of one another,
with the media only working to add cosmetics to that elevation or
“romance,” and this romantic attachment to changing one another
is why they meet one another so frequently and in friendly terms. The
figures of the “savior” and the “rebel” and several others
are in play in this romance.
Yet the influential
figures in the crisis simply do not know how to act without a
properly important “EU philosophy” given that their financial and
political decisions have failed, and subsequently the crisis is
always worded in such complicated terms and unfolds in a complex
manner, with these complications and complexities showing a desire
to be articulate and productive in a philosophical manner. But the
problem is that it is in the “style” of idealistic philosophy to
arrive a little too late to the scene, and so we may see the figures
involved evoking the philosophical underpinnings of the EU only once
the EU has failed. Idealistic philosophy must be present to the
crisis at the moment, not at a later time when the EU can be painted,
appropriately for those figures involved who wish to remain in their
seats, as a philosophical mistake rather than a governmental or
financial one.
No comments:
Post a Comment